Monday, 27 June 2016

Where is Heaven?



I attended Winner Street Baptist Church in Paignton, Devon as a child. It attracted families and there were often three generations present on Sunday mornings when the service included hymns, prayers, announcements and a short sermon that was more comforting than challenging. I wasn't conscious of much questioning, or even discussion, of the topics raised.

As would be expected, Heaven and Hell were mentioned frequently and it was made clear to us that going to the former resulted from being good and to the latter from being sinful. As to locations, I imagined that Hell was somewhere deep in the Earth because of all the fire and brimstone that characterised the place: Heaven, on the other hand, must be above the Earth, but I didn't know where. I learned that, after death, the soul left on its journey to Heaven (at least one person in the Winner Street congregation told me it was possible to see this) and no-one wanted to contemplate going to Hell. As I grew older, and began to question my religious beliefs, I began to wonder where Heaven might be.

If I now ask "Where is Heaven?", I am influenced by two sources, art and literature and, especially, The Holy Bible. Paintings show Heaven to be in close proximity to the surface of the Earth and images provide us with the reassurance that the souls of those who die, especially our loved ones, are not far away from us. It also means that Heaven and Earth can be represented on one canvas:


What does The Holy Bible say about the location of Heaven? A search of the Authorised Version of the King James' Bible reveals that there are 691 mentions of "heaven" (in all its meanings) [1], so, for a literalist interpretation of Heaven, as described in Genesis, I turned to The Bible, Genesis and Geology [2]. An illustration from their website is shown below and this has the arrangement of the three Heavens, with the final one (where souls reside?) beyond the waters above the firmament and, presumably, in a specific location. Although the diagram is drawn as a series of linear strata, it is based on a geocentric view, pertaining at the time The Holy Bible was written and remaining unchanged for over a thousand years. Some literalists may still believe in it.


The mediaeval view of Heaven is expressed by Dante in The Divine Comedy [3]. Dante maintains the geocentric approach and uses ideas relevant at the time, like those of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite on the hierarchy of angels, and melds them into a highly influential work. Many readers of Paradiso must have been convinced that Dante's description was based on a revelation of the true nature of Heaven. It differs from the literal Biblical account and is a good example of embellishment - an excellent summary diagram of Dante's view is given in the Oxford World's Classics edition of The Divine Comedy [3]:


In 1543, Copernicus proposed the heliocentric view of the Universe that better explained our observations and this is the view that we have today. We now know that our solar system occurs within a galaxy and that the expanding universe contains myriads of galaxies all within a void, about which we know very little indeed. It is assumed to contain dark matter and dark energy, both of which are theoretical constructs, and there are areas of modern cosmology that seem like metaphysics to those of us that don't have a sufficient level of understanding, or acceptance. What can certainly be said is that, if we take the literal interpretation of The Holy Bible, souls have a very long journey to Heaven, if it is outside the expanding Universe [4].

Given that the Christian religion centres on the fate of one's soul, the position of Heaven is important to those with an enquiring mind.  Where is it? Is there any evidence that it exists, other than through religious faith?


[1] BibleGateway website: https://www.biblegateway.com/

[2] The Bible, Genesis and Geology website: http://www.kjvbible.org/firmament.html

[3] Dante Alighieri (early 14th Century) The Divine Comedy (read in the translation by Charles H. Sisson). Oxford, Oxford University Press (reissued as a paperback in 2008).





Friday, 10 June 2016

Macho Natural History


I was brought up in Torbay and enjoyed walking along the (then) quiet lanes of South Devon, often venturing up on to Dartmoor. Holne, near Buckfastleigh, was on one of my routes and I didn't know at the time that Charles Kingsley had lived there for the first few weeks of his life.


Charles Kingsley's father, also called Charles, inherited money as a young man and set himself up as a country gentleman in Hampshire, spending his time hunting and shooting. Unfortunately, the money didn't last long and Kingsley Senior then had to find a job, choosing to become a curate in the Church of England. It was while he held a position at Holne that Charles was born and the child was destined to develop an interest in Natural History, especially under the influence of his mother. Susan Chitty describes her love of the countryside [1]:

..So great was Mrs Kingsley's passion for the Devonshire landscape, that she walked about it constantly during her pregnancy, hoping to communicate her love to her unborn child.

Charles did not have strong religious beliefs as a youth and, while an undergraduate at Cambridge, enjoyed rowing, smoking, and all aspects of what he referred to as "manliness"; including shooting and riding to hounds, passions that were so important to his father. This liking for the macho stayed with him and he was openly passionate for most of his life, both in public and private.

While visiting his father at the Rectory in Checkenden, Oxfordshire, Charles met Frances Grenfell, one of four daughters of the late Pascoe Grenfell, who lived in a large house nearby. Frances, known as Fanny, was to become the love of his life, although members of her family were not impressed with him. It was through Fanny that he developed his religious faith and, with her support, he determined to become a priest. After they married, Charles was appointed the Rector of Eversley in Hampshire, a living that he held for decades.



Throughout their lives, Charles and Fanny suffered various illnesses that required periods of convalescence, this being especially so for Fanny who, in 1854, stayed in Torquay for months. Charles joined her there, leaving Eversley in the hands of others, and it was while on this visit that he collected the marine specimens described in his book Glaucus [2] that also contains his views on Natural Historians:

..there are those who regard it [Natural History] as a mere amusement, and that as a somewhat effeminate one; and think that it can at best help to while away a leisure hour harmlessly, and perhaps usefully, as a substitute for coarser sports, or for the reading of novels. Those, however, who have followed it out, especially on the sea-shore, know better. They can tell from experience, that over and above its accessory charms of pure sea-breezes, and wild rambles by cliff and loch, the study itself has had a weighty effect upon their hearts and spirits..

..Let no one think that.. ..Natural History is a pursuit fitted only for effeminate and pedantic men. I should say, rather, that the qualifications required for a perfect naturalist are as many and as lofty as were required.. ..for the perfect knight-errant of the Middle Ages: for (to sketch an ideal, of which I am happy to say our race now affords many a fair realization) our perfect naturalist should be strong in body; able to haul a dredge, climb a rock, turn a boulder, walk all day, uncertain where he shall eat or rest; ready to face sun and rain, wind and frost, and to eat or drink thankfully anything, however coarse or meagre; he should know how to swim for his life, to pull an oar, sail a boat, and ride the first horse which comes to hand; and, finally, he should be a thoroughly good shot, and a skilful fisherman; and if he go far abroad, be able on occasion to fight for his life..

..he must be of a reverent turn of mind also; not rashly discrediting any reports, however vague and fragmentary; giving man credit always for some germ of truth, and giving Nature credit for an inexhaustible fertility and variety; which will keep him his life long always reverent, yet never superstitious; wondering at the commonest, but not surprised by the most strange; free from the idols of size and sensuous loveliness; able to see grandeur in the minutest objects, beauty, in the most ungainly; estimating each thing not carnally, as the vulgar do, by its size or its pleasantness to the senses, but spiritually, by the amount of Divine thought revealed to Man therein..

..And last, but not least, the perfect naturalist should have in him the very essence of true chivalry, namely, self-devotion; the desire to advance, not himself and his own fame or wealth, but knowledge and mankind. He should have this great virtue; and in spite of many shortcomings (for what man is there who liveth and sinneth not?), naturalists as a class have it to a degree which makes them stand out most honourably in the midst of a self-seeking and mammonite generation, inclined to value everything by its money price, its private utility..

..men for the most part of manful heads, and yet of childlike hearts..

As a contemporary Natural Historian, how do I match up to Kingsley's ideal? I cannot agree with his view that "manliness" is required and, interestingly, collecting on the shore (his main focus in Glaucus) was a hobby shared by both men and women in the Nineteenth Century [3]. His macho approach extended to the "Muscular Christianity" that he espoused during his early adult years, raising awareness of the suffering of those in poor areas of cities, and his vigorous campaigning for the less fortunate tailed off after he became an Establishment figure [1]. Maybe his interest in Natural History became more reflective as he grew older? Perhaps he favoured the macho stance when younger, as he felt he had to prove himself, not least to members of the Grenfell family? Or was it to overcome feelings of inadequacy brought on by his pronounced stutter?

What else of the description in Glaucus? Certainly, Natural History inspires awe and I join Kingsley in that, although his explanations of the wonders of the natural world centred on God's design, whereas mine are based on the combination of time and mutation. We know that Kingsley supported Darwin's ideas [4], but he still believed the evolution of species to be part of God's plan, rather than the result of an extraordinary number of chance events.

Of the rest, there is no doubt that Natural History brings an awareness that there is so much that we do not understand. This results in a childlike curiosity, and critical questioning of everything around us, that counters the "mammonite" approach that dominates many people's thinking today, just as it did in the Nineteenth Century. Natural Historians are likely to take a less anthropocentric, and less materialistic, view than most and this informs their decisions. Were he alive today, the young Kingsley would have been a campaigner on environmental matters and I'm sure that he would be a force for good; as long as he constrained his macho approach and didn't again become absorbed by the Establishment.



[1] Susan Chitty (1974) The Beast and the Monk: A Life of Charles Kingsley. London, Hodder and Stoughton.

[2] Charles Kingsley (1855) Glaucus; or, The Wonders Of The Shore. Cambridge, Macmillan & Co.



Wednesday, 25 May 2016

Charles Kingsley, Creation and Evolution



Charles Kingsley was, at various times, Regius Professor of Modern History at the University of Cambridge, Tutor to the future King Edward VII, Rector of Eversley, Canon of Westminster Abbey and the author of The Water Babies, Hereward the Wake and Westward Ho!. Of his many books, one that is less familiar is Glaucus that pays homage to the burgeoning interest in marine Natural History during the mid Nineteenth Century. It was published in 1855, having first appeared in the North British Review of November 1854, and the main difference in the two versions is the addition of examples of creatures from fresh waters in the book, presaging The Water Babies




Glaucus contains descriptions of a wide range of algae, invertebrates and vertebrates found around the coast of Southern Britain, the result of collecting trips on the rocky, and sandy, shores of Torbay and from dredging expeditions. Fanny, Charles' wife, spent a period of convalescence at Livermead House in Torquay (see above) and Charles stayed with her for several months in the spring of 1854, spending much of his time on his hobby. His passion for Natural History, and for marine biology, was inspired by reading Philip Henry Gosse's books The Aquarium and A Naturalist's Rambles on the Devonshire Coast and there are frequent references to these in Glaucus, often with quotations:

The brilliant plates in Mr Gosse's "Aquarium"...

First and foremost [among works on Natural History], certainly, come Mr Gosse's books

Mr Gosse, ..by his delightful and, happily, well-known books has done more for the study of marine zoology than any other living man.

..Mr Gosse, in his charming "Naturalist's Rambles on the Devonshire Coast"..

It is clear that Kingsley, nine years younger than Gosse, had great admiration for the knowledge, and communication skills, of the older man. Gosse had previously visited Torquay in 1852 [1], and the time spent there, and in Ilfracombe (Kingsley also moved from Torquay to North Devon), resulted in A Naturalist's Rambles on the Devonshire Coast. Kingsley not only eulogised Gosse in Glaucus, he also recommended to anyone that would listen that they should take field courses offered by Henry Gosse at the time, such was his significance. It was to Gosse, in London, that Kingsley sent collections that he had made around Torbay and Henry confirmed his identifications.


The two men became good friends and it was not only marine Natural History that they had in common, as they must have discovered early in their conversations. Both came from families that had earlier hit hard times, both loved poetry and both were devout Christians, Gosse being a member of the Brethren and Kingsley a priest in the Church of England. They shared a strong dislike of Roman Catholicism, and High Anglicanism, and this was expressed openly in their writing (although Kingsley did use the term "Hanoverian rats" for brown rats, a term that he may have borrowed from the staunchly Catholic Charles Waterton). Whereas Henry Gosse was to become the leader of his own small group of Brethren, to whom he preached each Sunday, Kingsley was a country rector and ended as a Canon of Westminster Abbey, with many coming to hear his sermons, despite his tendency to stutter [2]. 

Another contrast between the two men was the lack of any wish to become part of the Establishment shown by Gosse, and the pleasure in recognition at Court shown by Kingsley, that included many invitations to meet Queen Victoria and Prince Albert [2]. They also differed in their formal education, Kingsley being a student at Cambridge University while Gosse was largely self educated, having left school to work as a clerk at 16; then being sent to Newfoundland for similar employment when he was just 17 years old [3]. However, one of his aunts was an enthusiastic Naturalist and showed the young Henry many creatures on the shore around Poole in Dorset, just has she had done her own son, Thomas Bell, who trained as a surgeon and whose interest in marine organisms led to his appointment as Professor of Zoology at King's College London. Bell was an important contact for Henry when he was seeking to publish his first book, based on his experiences of the Natural History of Newfoundland and, in time, Henry Gosse, like Bell, was recognised for his scientific achievements in being made a Fellow of the Royal Society.

Gosse and Kingsley reacted differently to developing ideas on geological time scales, and evolution, current in the first half of the Nineteenth Century, culminating in Darwin's On the Origin of Species of 1859. Gosse knew that the presence of fossils and rock strata showed that the Earth had been in existence for many millions of years but, as a literalist who believed in the description of Creation in The Holy Bible, then produced a theory that attempted to resolve the two positions. His book, Omphalos, was published in 1857. Put simply, Gosse theorised that Creation took place as described in Genesis, but that all the strata and fossils were prochronic, or before time, being created with the impression of some previous existence. Clearly the idea is preposterous and it was derided by both the scientific and religious communities. 


Taking time to respond after reading Omphalos, Kingsley wrote to Gosse in 1858 [3], stating:

..Nothing can be fairer than the way in which you state the evidence for the microchronology [this is a reference to the first section of Omphalos in which Gosse sets out the evidence for geological time scales – the macrochronology, not microchronology, as Kingsley states [3]]. That at once bound me to listen respectfully to all you had to say after. And, much as I kicked and winced at first, nothing, I find, can be sounder than your parallels and precedents [where Gosse refers to a wide range of organisms that had just been created]. The one case of the coccus-mother (though every conceivable instance goes to prove your argument) would be enough for me, assuming the act of absolute creation. Assuming that – which I have always assumed, as fully as you – shall I tell you the truth? It is best. Your book is the first that ever made me doubt it, and I fear it will make hundreds do so. Your book tends to prove this – that if we accept the fact of absolute creation, God becomes a Deus quidam deceptor. I do not mean merely in the case of fossils which pretend to be the bones of dead animals; but in the one single case of your newly created scars on the pandanus trunk, and your newly created Adam's navel, you make God tell a lie..

In the letter, Kingsley shows his support for Creation, but clearly not for the theory put forward in Omphalos for prochronic existence. His opposition hinged on his view that Gosse was proposing an idea that appeared to show that God was deceiving us. Even after Darwin published On the Origin of Species in 1859, Gosse continued to maintain a literal Creationist stance, as did some other noted figures, like the French entomologist Jean-Henri Fabre [4]. Kingsley didn't feel the theory of evolution to be a threat to his religious beliefs and he was able to shift his views in the light of changing, and developing, opinion. He was still a Creationist, as is clear in his letter to Gosse, but with a looser view; that all organisms were designed by God and could then become subject to change, also under the control of the Creator. In Glaucus, published in 1855, before both Omphalos (1857) and On the Origin of Species (1859), Kingsley had written:

Let us speak freely a few words on this important matter. Geology has disproved the old popular belief that the universe was brought into being, as it now exists, by a single fiat. We know that the work has been gradual: that the earth "In tracts of fluent heat began, The seeming prey of cyclic storms, The home of seeming random forms, Till, at the last, arose the man." And we know, also, that these forms, seeming random as they are, have appeared according to a law, which, as far as we can judge, has been only the whole one of progress, - lower animals (though we cannot say, the lowest) appearing first, and man, the highest mammal, "the roof and crown of things," one of the latest in the series..

..Let us, therefore, say boldly, that there has been a "progress of species," and there may be again, in the true sense of that term: but say, as boldly, that the Transmutation theory is not one of a progress of species at all, which would be a change in the idea of the species, taking place in the Divine Mind, - in plain words, the creation of a new species. What the Transmutationists really mean, if they would express themselves clearly, or carefully analyze their own notions, is, a physical and actual change, not of species, but of individuals, of already existing living beings, created according to one idea, into other living beings, created according to another idea.

It was thus relatively easy for Kingsley to become a proponent of the ideas set out in On the Origin of Species four years later and his support was appreciated by Darwin. In Fraser's magazine [5], Kingsley wrote:

..if any one shall hint to us that we and the birds may have sprung originally from the same type; that the difference between our intellect and theirs is one of degree, and not of kind, we may believe or doubt: but in either case we shall not be greatly moved. So much the better for the birds, we will say, and none the worse for us. You raise the birds towards us, but you do not lower us towards them. What we are, we are by the grace of God. Our own powers and the burden of them we know full well. It does not lessen their dignity or their beauty in our eyes to hear that the birds of the air partake, even a little, of the same gifts of God as we. Of old said St Guthlac in Crowland, as the swallows sat upon his knee, "He who leads his life according to the will of God, to him the wild deer and wild birds draw more near;" and this new theory of yours may prove St Guthlac right. St Francis, too, he called the birds his brothers. Whether he was correct, either theologically or zoologically, he was plainly free from that fear of being mistaken for an ape, which haunts so many in these modern times..

This view, supporting the similarities between living organisms, and thus the possibility of evolution, also provides opposition to the view, held by many literal Creationists, that everything was created for the benefit of humans. As Lynn Barber points out [6]:

..Kingsley exposed the question of usefulness to man for what it was: a red herring. The existence of so many different species in Nature was, he asserted, inexplicable on any anthropocentric basis.. ..There was no need to prove that everything in Nature was created for man's benefit. There was no scriptural authority for suggesting that it was. Kingsley's explanation was sufficient. God had created everything for His own enjoyment.

Given their opposition, it is difficult to imagine that Kingsley and Gosse could ever meet again on close terms although, as with Kingsley's help given to Henry over his son's application for a position at the British Museum Library, respect was not lost between the two men. Conflicts based on differences of opinion on the writings in Holy Books often seem to occur and the Creation debate certainly caused conflicts for some Christian believers in the Nineteenth Century and the debate continues today. It is difficult to sympathise with Henry Gosse on this issue and the flexible approach of Kingsley fits the evidence much better. Such conflicts are confusing when viewed from the outside and I am grateful that I do not believe in the supernatural.

Omphalos intrigues me and I have posted about the book before [7]. We know that Henry Gosse was challenged, it was the time of the painful fatal illness of his first wife, and he was very conscious that the Second Coming was imminent. Even those reasons cannot explain why he came up with the idea of prochronic existence and then be surprised that others didn't go along with it. Unfortunately, Gosse was unable to move his position because he was constrained by the straitjacket of his own religious beliefs.


[1] Ann Thwaite (2002) Glimpses of the Wonderful: The Life of Philip Henry Gosse 1810-1888. London, Faber and Faber.

[2] Susan Chitty (1974) The Beast and the Monk: A Life of Charles Kingsley. London, Hodder and Stoughton.

[3] Edmund Gosse (1896) The Naturalist of the Sea-Shore: the Life of Philip Henry Gosse. London, William Heinemann.


[5] Charles Kingsley (1867) A Charm of Birds. Fraser's magazine for town and country 75: 802-810.

[6] Lynn Barber (1980) The Heyday of Natural History 1820-1870. London, Jonathan Cape.